Or have you once experienced a tremendous moment, in which you would answer him: "Thou art a god, and never have I heard anything more divine!" He believed that race and class are identical[74] in the sense that nations are composed of different races and that upper classes are usually of superior nature to the lower. [95] Later in his life he even started to identify as Polish, believing that his ancestors were Polish noblemen who migrated to Germany[96] (both his Polish and aristocratic ancestry claims are usually rejected by biographers; see: Citizenship, nationality and ethnicity). [102] He praised Napoleon for reviving the military spirit which he saw as defense against the decadent rule of "modern ideas", "businessmen and philistines". [125] More than 60 articles and 15 full-length studies have been published devoted entirely in comparing these two thinkers.[125]. No, you know better than that, my friends! When the Danish critic Georg Brandes (1842–1927) firstintroduced a wider European audience to These accursed anti-Semite deformities shall not sully my ideal!! [27] His thoughts were usually oriented to the future aristocracy, not so much to the preservation of existing monarchical order, which he saw as exhausted and thing of the past. For Deleuze, Nietzsche challenged conventional philosophical ideas and provided a means of escape from Hegel's dialectical thinking, which had come … He also offered a path toward a politics of difference. Friedrich Nietzsche developed his philosophy during the late 19th century. [66] In The Antichrist he wrote: Whom do I hate most heartily among the rabbles of today? [51] He was critical of French revolution and was deeply disturbed by the Paris Commune which he saw as a destructive insurrection of the vulgar lower classes that made him feel "annihilated for several days". Draft for a letter to his sister Elisabeth Förster-Nietzsche (December 1887), Georges Bataille was one of the first to denounce the deliberate misinterpretation of Nietzsche carried out by Nazis, among them Alfred Baeumler. [32] In any case, few philosophers really consider Nietzsche an "individualist" thinker. [17][18][19] He often linked noble classes with ancient barbarian conquerors. In January 1937 he dedicated an issue of Acéphale, titled "Reparations to Nietzsche", to the theme "Nietzsche and the Fascists. determines values independently of predetermined foundations (nature) vs. determines values on predetermined, unquestioned foundations (Christianity). Man is something that shall be overcome. He recognizes that not everyone holds either scheme in a clearly delineated fashion without some syncretism, he presents them in contrast to one another. However, Dudley proposes that Nietzsche’s account of freedom is implicit in his discussion of decadence, nobility and tragedy. "[98], Section VIII of Beyond Good and Evil, titled "Peoples and Fatherlands", criticized pan-Germanism and patriotism, advocating instead the unification of Europe (§256, etc.). — The anarchist and the Christian have the same ancestry....[67]. Would you not throw yourself down and curse the demon who spoke to you thus? Owing largely to the writings of Kaufmann and French postwar philosophers, Nietzsche's reputation improved and today he usually is not linked to Nazism as he was in the past. If, as he believed, life neither possesses nor lacks intrinsic value and yet is always being evaluated, then such evaluations can usefully be read as symptoms of the condition of the evaluator. These emendations show how Schopenhauer's philosophy was not a mere initial stimulus for Nietzsche, but formed the basis for much of Nietzsche's thinking. Aside from Brandes, Nietzsche owned and read a copy of Hans Lassen Martensen's Christliche Ethik (1873) in which Martensen extensively quoted and wrote about Kierkegaard's individualism in ethics and religion. (2018) The prohibited Nietzsche: anti‑Nitzscheanism in Soviet Russia. Indeed, it is not even clear that Nietzsche possesses a concept of freedom. [61] He similarly called Eugen Dühring an "apostle of revenge", "moral braggart" and his ideas "indecent and revolting moralistic gibberish". In Ecce Homo (1888), Nietzsche criticized the "German nation" and its "will to power (to Empire, to Reich)", thus underscoring an easy misinterpretation of the Wille zur Macht, the conception of Germans as a "race", and the "anti-Semitic way of writing history", or of making "history conform to the German Empire", and stigmatized "nationalism, this national neurosis from which Europe is sick", this "small politics".[99]. Nietzsche often made racist, classist remarks and used biological, racialist explanations of cultural and political phenomena. [70] Western Leftist writers, led by French postwar intellectuals, largely rehabilitated Nietzsche on the Left and have proposed ways of using Nietzschean theory in what has become known as the "politics of difference" — particularly in formulating theories of political resistance and sexual and moral difference. Nietzsche's philosophy, while innovative and revolutionary, was indebted to many predecessors. I am now in a position of emergency defense against your spouse's Party. [69] In socialist countries Nietzsche was usually considered a disreputable reactionary, burgeois, imperialist or fascist philosopher. Why? Yet this is more than a major work on Nietzsche; the book opened a whole new avenue in post-war thought. And man shall be that to Übermensch: a laughingstock or painful embarrassment. It traces the contours of his earliest philological thinking and opens the way to a fresh view of his later thinking. By means of it the superior or strong type of man is preserved, and all institutions and ideas which perpetuate enmity and order of rank in States, such as national feeling, protective tariffs, etc., may on that account seem justified. Since then I've had difficulty coming up with any of the tenderness and protectiveness I've so long felt toward you. [64] In Twilight of the Idols he wrote: ‘Equality’, a certain definite process of making everybody uniform, which only finds its expression in the theory of equal rights, is essentially bound up with a declining culture: the chasm between man and man, class and class, the multiplicity of types, the will to be one’s self and to distinguish one’s self – that, in fact, which I call the pathos of distance is proper to all strong ages. Nietzsche made numerous comments on Jews and Judaism, both positive and negative. He was best known for evaluating the cultural values of Western philosophy, religion, and morality. By continuing to use this website, you consent to Columbia University Press’ usage of cookies and similar technologies, in accordance with the Columbia University Press Website Cookie Notice. However, they are more or less extensively quoted and discussed in eleven books that Nietzsche owned in his personal library and in one of them he underlined Marx's name. Phenomena, things, organisms, societies, consciousness and spirits are signs, or rather symptoms, and … [44] He praised Napoleon for reviving the warlike, aristocratic spirit which triumphed over the ″modern ideas”, over “the businessman and the philistine”. We are, in one word—and let this be our word of honor!— good Europeans, the heirs of Europe, the rich, oversupplied, but also overly obligated heirs of thousands of years of European spirit: as such, we have also outgrown Christianity and are averse to it, and precisely because we have grown out of it, because our ancestors were Christians who in their Christianity were uncompromisingly upright; for their faith they willingly sacrificed possessions and position, blood and fatherland. The influential German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1990) had his views on religion and Christianity, and was arguably the most abrupt and abrasive atheistic thinkers of his time.In his book The Gay Science (1882), Nietzsche declared that “God is dead” which, essentially, was his way of saying that belief in the Christian conception of God had become unbelievable (1). Nietzsche primarily meant that, for all practical purposes, his contemporaries lived as if God were dead, though they had not yet recognized it. [83] He blamed the mixing of the races on the decay of the European society and culture, [84] but also credited it with the creation of modern men of the "historical sense." Read >Michael Hardt's Foreword to the new edition of Nietzsche and Philosophy (pdf). Beginning in the 1890s some scholars have attempted to link his philosophy with Max Stirner's radical individualism of The Ego and Its Own (1844). [106] He proposed conscription, polytechnic military education and the idea that all men of higher classes should be reserve officers in addition to their civilian jobs. For Nietzsche, after all, we need not disregard a statement merely because it expresses something false. Written in 1962, Nietzsche and Philosophy is then part of a broadside within French thought against the prevailing postwar interest in Hegel (very much as mediated by Alexandre Kojève). He wrote that liberalism is synonymous with mediocrity and believed also that it leads to cultural decay. This idea of eternal recurrence became a cornerstone of his nihilism, and thus part of the foundation of what became existentialism. This study explores the theme of freedom in the philosophy of Hegel and Nietzsche. [103] In The Will to Power he further elaborated: When the instincts of a society ultimately make it give up war and renounce conquest, it is decadent: it is ripe for democracy and the rule of shopkeepers. A lot of his criticism is linked to his view of Christianity; he called socialism "residue of Christianity and of Rousseau in the de-Christianised world". [72] There are also controversies about some newer translations of Nietzsche which seem to be misleadingly euphemistic when dealing with more loaded terms that Nietzsche used. A thorough engagement with Nietzsche’s remarks on philosophers is desirable for at least two reasons. The hidden Yes in you is stronger than all Nos and Maybes that afflict you and your age like a disease; and when you have to embark on the sea, you emigrants, you, too, are compelled to this by— a faith! Sineokaya, Y. 210).]. In "Nietzsche and Fascists," he argued against such instrumentalization, by the left or the right, declaring that Nietzsche's aim was to by-pass the short timespan of modern politics, and its inherent lies and simplifications, for a greater historical timespan. Then, he rev Perhaps Nietzsche's greatest philosophical legacy lies in his 20th century interpreters, among them Pierre Klossowski, Martin Heidegger, Georges Bataille, Leo Strauss, Alexandre Kojève, Michel Foucault, Gilles Deleuze (and Félix Guattari), Jacques Derrida and Albert Camus. Nietzsche's political ideas were variously interpreted as aristocratic radicalism,[9] Bonapartism,[10] proto-fascism, individualist anarchism, with some authors describing him as apolitical, anti-political or political sceptic. Yet this is more than a major work on Nietzsche: the book opened a whole new avenue in post-war thought. 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